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BlogWatcher - David Marr's 'anti-Catholic sectarianism'

Published: September 23, 2012

BY MICHAEL MULLINS

In his Media Watch Dog blog over the past two weeks, Gerard Henderson has blogged on what he sees as the hostility against the Catholic Church of journalist David Marr. Most recently, he has questioned what he sees to be Marr’s assumption that Christians are the only force behind opposition to same-sex marriage. 

He might like to consider why Julia Gillard, an atheist, opposed the legislation in the House of Representatives on Wednesday.  He might also want to travel to Sydney’s suburbs, a long way from his inner-city abode, and check out what Muslims think about same sex marriage or even homosexuality.  Or he might check what Hindus think about same sex marriage.  Or Marr might like to ask himself why Labor MP Ed Husic, the only Muslim member of the House of Representatives, voted with the Catholic Tony Abbott and the atheist Julia Gillard and the Christian Kevin Rudd and the atheist Chris Bowen against same sex marriage.

The fact is that David Marr, the author of The High Price of Heaven (Allen & Unwin, 1999), is an obsessive opponent of Christianity and an anti-Catholic sectarian to boot. ... Consequently he tends to blame “all” Christians for life’s disappointments.  And he loves to add inverted commas to the word Christian – suggesting that these Christians are not really Christian at all since they are so intolerant as to oppose gay marriage (according to Marr’s argument).

The previous week, Henderson catalogued the the “hyperbole” of the anti-Catholic sectarian “lowlights” of Marr’s “shoddy, unprofessional” Quarterly Essay on “Vatican ideologue” Tony Abbott, such as:

Page 13 : Marr refers to the fact that Abbott’s girlfriend Kathy McDonald fell pregnant while at university (it was found out, years later, to someone other than Abbott) as “the old Catholic catastrophe: no chastity, no contraception, no abortion, and…no marriage”.  Marr seems to believe that such a fate only befell young Catholic women in the 1970s.

In the US, George Weigel blogs at First Things on the “aggressive humanism”, a European import which he sees to have taken root in the US. He describes it as “the determination of some intellectuals, activists, and politicians to scour public life of transcendent religious and moral reference points in the name of ‘tolerance’ and ‘inclusion’.”

Weigel says the Church asks just two things from the state. These are freedom to evangelise celebrate the sacraments and “do its works of education, charity, mercy, and justice, without undue interference from government”, as well as “respect [for] the sanctuary of conscience, so that the Church’s people are not required by law to do things the Church teaches are immoral”. According to Weigel, the upshot of this is that:

Catholic bishops across the country have made clear that they will, if necessary, close the Catholic medical facilities for which they are responsible—a drastic action that would seriously imperil health services for the poor. But it doesn’t have to come to that. Aggressive, hegemonic humanism need not have the last word in the United States. 

Back in Australia, Sentire Cum Ecclesia blogs on the recent and ongoing violent protests of some Muslims in response to the film Innocence of Muslims. 

I was thinking, “This isn’t about “that film”. ... Waleed [Aly in The Age] says exactly what I was thinking... It is not an option to leave an insult unanswered because that is a sign of weakness, rather than transcendence. ... The solution, it seems to me, lies in harnessing the power of this “honour/shame” culture against this kind of behaviour. ... If the Australian Muslim Community in particular, and the Australian community as a whole, can successfully brand this kind of violence (or any for that matter) as “shameful” it will no longer be a sign of weakness to refuse to act violently – it will be a sign of strength.

But of course, I am a Christian, and this has long been a part of our ethic. From “turn the other cheek” to “my strength is made perfect in weakness”, Christianity has long upheld non-violence as a strong (and hence honourable) way of reacting to the violence or offensive activity of others.

Finally, John W at v2catholic has an intriguing scoop on a development that suggests the way of the future for Catholic newspapers.

A leading Catholic newspaper is soon to announce a bold re-structuring plan. ... No longer will the paper be printed in its present form. Instead it will become a one page paid advertisement in the city's main local newspaper, appearing each Friday. In this way, it will be read by many more Catholics than at present read it. It will also be an outreach to the wider community. ... No staff at the paper will lose their jobs, because the paper will still produce a digital edition for the internet. This digital edition will be expanded with many extra features.

The paper's editor is eagerly looking forward to the changes. "Our paper will have a far greater readership, and no longer will we have to run items that are a week or more out of date,” she said.

Though he is specific about the detail of the plan, John W – an Australian Oblate based in Hong Kong – does not say whether the newspaper is from Australia or elsewhere. But at least one diocesan newspaper here has already adopted a similar model of insertion of its content within the pages of a secular newspaper.

 


Michael MullinsMichael Mullins, founding editor of CathNews, compiles this 'Blog Watcher' column every week.

 

 

Disclaimer: CathBlog is an extension of CathNews story feedback. It is intended to promote discussion and debate among the subscribers to CathNews and the readers of the website. The opinions expressed in CathBlog are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the members of the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference or of Church Resources.

 

Response to articles is welcome. Simply follow the prompts to post your comment. No posting of more than 250 words will be published. While critical comment on stories and issues is welcomed, postings that descend to personal attacks on or impugn the integrity of other commentators will be blocked. Please use your own name, or initials, eg John Brown, or JB, or JAB, or Johnny. You are also required to add your location - as in, Sunshine, Victoria. Please provide your email address in the line supplied, followed by your contact phone number. These are requested for identification purposes only and will not be published. If you have any problems, please email news@cathnews.com


 


Recent Comments

  1. Widely recognised as a kind of pontiff or bridge to consolidate the views of B A Santamaria and John Howard (whose protege and speechwriter he was) Gerard Henderson has been an unapologetic member of the Catholic Right and as such has actively campaigned against the Church's forays into public policy discourse with any semblance of social justice and wealth redistribution at its core - this despite redistribution being at the core of Santamaria's economic conservatism.
    The contradictions and tensions at the core of this exercise in political contortion and reconfiguration are clear for all to see as the Labor Party itself has long since borrowed from the Liberals' dry economic clothes, leaving Catholic Social Teaching without significant influence in either (given Tony Abbott's embarrassing silence on this aspect of his Catholicism).
    Instead, simply because the Right seeks to support a watered-down version of Catholicism in the form of a supposed defence of Catholic bioethics we should not be fooled into taking sides by hurling accusations of anti-Catholicism against the Left, as if it suited our position on refugees and the like to do so.
    For his part, David Marr acknowledges that Abbott, caving in to Howard on Work Choices, is properly despised by many Catholics.
    In a sense Marr is generous to Abbott on this front, for, when called to defend Santa, Abbott has been less than unequivocal about him. Marr an anti-Catholic? Give us a break!

  2. Gerard Henderson labels David Marr an anti-catholic sectarian, which seems a bit odd as though Marr himself was a member of a sect, a word which is normally applied to a small secretive religion in the making.
    Atheism could hardly be conjured as a sect nor would criticism of the Church's stand on issues be the exclusive preserve of Atheists. Compared to the religious divisiveness of the first half of the previous century, the stance of people like Marr vis-a-vis the Catholic church is really ho-hum...
    As to attacks on Tony Abbott, his track record on 'iron clad guarantees' in respect to truth won't be winning him many votes.

  3. There is no such thing as the 'Catholic Right'.
    There are those who pratice the traditional teachings, beliefs and fundamental doctrines of Catholicism (i.e. Catholics) and there are those who don't - call them what you wish. The term Catholic Right is simply an attempt at perjorative labelling.
    Enforced (by government) 'social justice' and wealth redistribution is totalitarian socialism.
    Christ was never an enforcer; He was a persuader. People should be persuaded to give of their wealth. Government should not be punishing those who achieve success in a legitmate and often self-scarificing manner. Government should give incentives for the wealthy to voluntarily give of their riches in various ways rather than steal it from them.
    Enforced wealth redistribution destines everyone to mediocrity and a lower standard of living and entrenches poverty.

  4. Michael: Your comment would carry more weight if you would define 'Catholic social teaching'.
    Which version to you subscribe to?
    The deviant version where an infantilising and ever-growing State erodes smaller communities, wrecking public finances in the process (c.f. the United States)? Or the version based on both solidarity and subsidiarity?
    Or something else? And which of these alternatives is Right and Left? There can be no debate without this clarity.

  5. I have to support Michael Furtado here.
    To propose that there is no Catholic Right, only Faithful Catholic, is to equate faithfulness with a particular political and philosophical programme.
    This is not only not borne out by common sense observation, its dismissiveness of vast numbers of people is breathtaking.
    Let us put aside for the moment that people's views are rarely so neatly identical that descriptors like Right and Left comfortably fit; the fact is that David Marr correctly characterises Tony Abbott as belonging to a stream of politics that promotes a kind of notional economic libertarianism alongside a social policy that reflects how they imagine society once was.
    There are many committed Christians (and I include Catholics) who clearly value and promote a more unashamedly redistributive economics and a more modern social policy because they think Tony Abbott's (and B A Santamaria's) emphasis took insufficient account of residual greed and selfishness and vindictiveness (aka original sin) in humans in a competitive environment.
    The partisan debate over politics however is not going to go away and it is secondary to the fact that David Marr presents accurately and intelligibly insights into the personality and modus operandi of Tony Abbott and that Gerard Henderson is clearly irked. On the latter, I recommend Mark Latham's Hendo Watch as informative reading.

  6. Michael Furtado writes that Tony Abbott 'is properly despised by many Catholics'.
    Michael, you will never persuade me to agree with your political line with that sort of language.
    In fact I doubt that sort of language would persuade many voters at all, whatever their religion.
    Only an election will tell.

  7. Let's be clear that Tony Abbott's policies and actions on many issues challenge Church teaching. These are/were as follow:
    1. Several aspects of Work Choices constituted an explicit rejection of papal social teaching, most particularly in Laborem Exercens (1981), which unequivocally advocates 'decent work in terms of full, productive and freely chosen employment, a safe working environment, a living wage, reasonable working time and income security, and how it may be achieved – including through collective bargaining and co-operation between governments and employers’ and workers’ organisations.’
    2. Tony Abbott has consistently called for a 'turn back the boats' policy on asylum-seekers and has categorically rejected many of the most basic teachings of the Church in respect of honouring the human rights of such persons, it being a most fundamental teaching of the Church, from Mater et Magistra (1961), that 'human rights for all, especially the right to liberty, shelter, refuge and sanctuary, are God-given and may not be alienated by man (sic).'
    In his measured essay, David Marr shows that the Opposition Leader, who from his Jesuit and seminary education knows these aspects of the social teaching of Catholics, and despite his close tutelage by B A Santamaria on such matters (which were very much the centrepiece of Bob Santamaria's political agenda), ducked the issue and assumed responsibility for advocating precisely the opposite when he held the industrial relations portfolio in the Howard government, as well as leading, since then, on the 'illegal boat-people' beat-up.

  8. Michael Furtado invites us, 'Let's be clear' about Tony Abbott's policies.
    Oh, yes please, let's do that by all means.
    One primary source of such clarity is the public record.
    Mr Abbott has repeatedly said the Coalition would not seek to be ideological in the industrial relations arena.
    'There will be cautious, careful, responsible change within the framework of the existing [Fair Work] Act,' he said. 'There is no going back to the past.'
    Michael Furtado clearly does not believe him, but on what grounds?

  9. 1. On grounds relating to the Church's magisterium, which, politics aside, is all that Catholics like you and me have to go on, Denis, in discussing these matters.
    2. On grounds of Tony Abbott's public record, which shows the ferocity and enthusiasm with which he prosecuted the case against the Church's teaching on industrial relations when he held that portfolio in the Howard administration.
    3. On grounds of Tony's ostensible racism and mistruths in prosecuting his 'turn back the boats' policy in such a way as to appeal to the ire of every ignorant red-neck and shock-jock in this country, thereby forcing the government to reverse its former policy, against all logic, morality and evidence to the contrary.
    4. On grounds of our need to speak the truth about David Marr (of whom I am not a fan) but who correctly points out the extent to which Tony has departed from almost all of the socio-political positions, strongly buttressed in Quadragesimo Anno, of Bob Santamaria, such as social housing, a social wage, and against the free market (as much as Santa also properly denounced a now almost non-existent Stalinism).
    These transgressions from Catholic Social Teaching I critically denounce in a co-religionist, of whom I expect much better, and, hopefully like you, Denis, not the person himself.

  10. Michael Furtado: ”Politics aside” you say.
    That ignores the simple political fact of reality that Tony Abbott is the leader of a coalition of parties made up of people of all faiths and none.
    The coalition he leads functions in a pluralist liberal parliamentary democracy, as does the ALP.
    He is not the leader of a Catholic institution.
    He is not obliged to “channel” Bob Santamaria on anything.
    Tony Abbott is not solely responsible for the morality of national governance.
    That is a national challenge but you choose to concentrate solely on the Leader of the Opposition.
    Let’s see you apply the same critical faculties to the ALP Government, and the Catholics within it, on matters such as truthfulness, prudence and hypocrisy.

  11. Dennis Goodwin properly attests to the importance of Catholics judging their co-religionist politicians even handedly across all parties, and I have always done this.
    Tony Abbott is a most prominent Catholic politician and indeed the alternative Prime Minister. Some like Mr Goodwin would clearly like to see him in that job.
    There are no other prominent Catholics of equal standing that I can safely say function at Mr Abbott's level on the political arena, whether in the Labor or Green Parties.
    Moreover, Mr Abbott's biographers, particularly on the conservative side of politics, consistently allude to his Jesuit education and the years he spent in the seminary.
    The Jesuit publication, Eureka Street, consistently publishes opinions that link Tony Abbott's policies with his Catholicism.
    Mr Abbott has, properly in my view, never sought to distance himself from his Catholicism. He was publicly feted at his daughters' Catholic school in the run-up to the last elections. And those who have defended him from the criticism implied in David Marr's essay, have all accused Marr's critique of being anti-Catholic.
    Denis Goodwin's attempt to turn these uncomfortable facts away from the evidence that I offer to show that David Marr's article is (a) not anti-Catholic, and (b) in some respects excuses Tony Abbott's youthful excesses, is clearly not enough for Mr Goodwin, who seeks to defend Mr Abbott's political record on the grounds that he has complex pressure groups to satisfy in Coalition politics that are either not Catholic or indeed may well in their own way be anti-Catholic.
    I agree!

  12. Well said, Michael Furtado.
    One should recall the initial point of controversy here was Gerard Henderson's description of David Marr's stance as 'anti-Catholic'.
    This is manifestly unsupportable, unless one thinks that Catholic is some homogenous quality or entity, disproved utterly by the discussion pages here on CathNews and other blogsites.
    Gerard Henderson may certainly speak for one constituency within Catholic circles, but he clearly does not for all.
    If one reads David Marr's analyses carefully, one sees a range of values reflected.
    As you suggest, if political policies are anything to go by, Tony Abbott's position on refugees and the just wage system might themselves not pass a Catholic test. (I think they fail any kind of 'Christian' test.)
    But it's dubious tryng to apply such tests since many on all sides might also fail on these and other counts, and Denis' test would give greater weight to other things than mine, or yours, or Gerard Henderson's.
    I infer that Denis would say that those Catholics who agree with David Marr about Tony Abbott and will not vote for the Coalition are also anti-Catholic
    The bottom line is David Marr's analysis of Tony Abbott rings true and there's no obvious reason to dispute it, whether one thinks that what David Marr might think a flaw is in fact a virtue, or not, and whether or not one thinks David Marr disagrees with several official policies or doctrines followed by conservative Catholics.

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